AhlulBayt News Agency (ABNA): The results of a new survey in Lebanon show that despite the economic crisis, the destruction of infrastructure, and the continuation of threats from the Zionist regime, a significant portion of the country's Shia community still considers armed resistance one of the main tools for defending the land and confronting occupation; in contrast, widespread distrust of Lebanon's government and presidency has exposed the gap between the respondents' views and official policies regarding the resistance's weapons.
According to an article in Al-Akhbar newspaper titled "Lebanon's Shiites; the resistance's weapons more important than livelihood and the economy," the results of this survey indicate the continuation and strengthening of the political, security, and economic attitude of Lebanon's Shia community.
This survey, conducted by the "Islamic Center for Studies and Documentation" on the subject of "the Shia community's view on the liberation of the land and political positions," includes 1,065 Shia citizens residing in Lebanon.
The samples of this research were selected from various areas where Shiites reside, including southern Lebanon, Nabatieh, Baalbek-Hermel, central and western Bekaa, Beirut, and Mount Lebanon, especially the southern suburbs of Beirut and the Qayfun and Qamatiyeh areas.
The priority of ending the occupation over livelihood problems
According to the findings of this survey, 62.3 percent of participants considered ending the Zionist regime's occupation as the most important issue facing them. Also, 48.4 percent of respondents identified armed resistance as the most effective tool for liberating the occupied lands and guaranteeing Lebanon's security and sovereignty.
These results were published in circumstances where a large portion of respondents are pessimistic about their economic future, and about 80 percent gave a negative assessment of their living conditions compared to last year.
In the section on economic expectations, only 3 percent of participants were hopeful about a significant improvement in living conditions, and 20 percent raised the possibility of a relative improvement in the situation.
Al-Akhbar newspaper, referring to these findings, emphasized that the deterioration of living conditions, at least among the respondents of this survey, has not led to the abandonment of the option of armed resistance, and the issue of occupation still holds a central place in their priorities.
84 percent; the resistance's weapons are a tool of protection and deterrence
One of the most important sections of this survey is dedicated to the respondents' views on the place of the resistance's weapons in Lebanon's defense structure.
According to the published results, 84 percent of participants believe that the role of the resistance's weapons is to protect Lebanon and create deterrence against threats as long as these threats continue. In contrast, only 4 percent of respondents supported the monopoly of weapons in the hands of the government.
In another question about the most effective path for liberating the land and guaranteeing Lebanon's sovereignty, nearly half of the respondents chose armed resistance; while 16 percent considered the Iranian-American path and 13 percent considered diplomacy and negotiations a more suitable option.
This statistical difference is raised in circumstances where the issue of the monopoly of weapons in the hands of the government has become one of the main axes of disagreement between the Lebanese government and Hezbollah over the past months.
The Shia community's view on the decision of war and peace
The survey results show that 53.5 percent of respondents believe that decision-making about war and peace should be exclusively in the hands of the resistance. In contrast, 37.6 percent have called for this decision to be made based on an agreement between the government and the resistance.
Accordingly, although granting complete decision-making authority to the resistance has gained the most support among the proposed options, a significant portion of respondents have also supported a mechanism based on the participation of the government and the resistance.
In another part of the survey, those who considered armed resistance the best path for liberating the land were asked about the possibility of resuming military operations.
In this group, 54 percent supported the resumption of operations even in the event of the possibility of war returning; while 24 percent called for the continuation of operations at a level that would not lead to the start of a widespread war again.
88 percent distrust of the government; the gap between the Shia community and political institutions
The results of this survey indicate the high level of respondents' distrust of Lebanon's official political institutions. According to the published data, 81 percent of participants do not trust Lebanon's presidency institution, and 88 percent have announced their distrust of the current government.
Also, satisfaction with the government's performance was only 12 percent, and 81 percent of respondents have called for a change of government.
These statistics were published in circumstances where Joseph Aoun, the president of Lebanon, and Nawaf Salam, the country's prime minister, over the past months have emphasized the necessity of the monopoly of weapons in the hands of the government and the handing over of the decision of war and peace to official institutions.
In contrast, Lebanon's Hezbollah has linked the issue of the resistance's weapons to the continuation of occupation, Israeli attacks, and the necessity of effective guarantees for the country's security.
From this perspective, the results of the Al-Akhbar survey indicate a meaningful distance between the government's declared positions on weapons and the views of a large portion of the Shiites participating in this research.
56 percent trust in the Lebanese army
Despite the respondents' widespread distrust of the government and presidency, the survey results about the Lebanese army are different. According to the findings, 56 percent of participants trust the Lebanese army.
This difference between the level of trust in the army and political institutions shows that the respondents' critical view of the government does not necessarily mean their opposition to all official institutions of the country.
In fact, the simultaneity of support for the resistance and relative trust in the army can indicate the existence of capacities for agreement on defense and security arrangements; although the disagreement over the decision-making authority in matters of war and peace still persists.
97 percent opposition to the normalization of relations with the Zionist regime
Another part of this survey is dedicated to the Shia community's attitude toward Lebanon's relations with the Zionist regime. According to the results, 97 percent of respondents have opposed the normalization of relations with Israel.
Also, 86 percent of participants have had a negative position toward the framework agreement between Lebanese officials and the Israeli side.
These figures show that opposition to the normalization of relations, among the individuals participating in the survey, enjoys a high level of support and is linked to their positions on the continuation of the resistance's defense role.
77 percent electoral support for resistance lists
One of the most important findings of the survey relates to the electoral behavior of Lebanon's Shia community.
According to the results, 77 percent of respondents have announced that if parliamentary elections are held, they will vote for lists affiliated with the resistance or supported by it.
These statistics were published in circumstances where Lebanon's parliament in March 2026, by extending its term for two years, postponed the holding of parliamentary elections until 2028.
The survey also shows that 32 percent of participants evaluate their representatives' performance based on the provision of services and development, and 30 percent also make their national role the main criterion.
In contrast, when evaluating other Shia political currents, 70 percent of respondents identified those currents' position toward the resistance against Israel as the most important criterion, and only 15 percent prioritized local development.
This difference shows that the respondents, in evaluating representatives and political currents, in addition to livelihood and service issues, also consider the place of the resistance as a determining indicator.
Publication of the survey amid disagreement over the resistance's weapons
The publication of the results of this research has taken place simultaneously with the intensification of Lebanon's internal disputes over Hezbollah's weapons and the future of the security arrangements in the country's south. The government of Nawaf Salam in recent months has repeatedly announced that the monopoly of weapons and the authority to decide on war and peace must be in the hands of the government's official institutions. In contrast, Hezbollah officials have emphasized the necessity of ending the Israeli occupation, stopping attacks, and creating real guarantees for Lebanon's security.
Meanwhile, reports on the developments of October 2026 show that the Zionist regime's military operations in southern Lebanon and the disagreement over how to implement security agreements have continued.
These conditions have turned the discussion about the future of the resistance's weapons into an issue related to border security, national sovereignty, the reconstruction of damaged areas, and Lebanon's internal political relations.
Continuation of support for the resistance despite economic problems
Al-Akhbar newspaper, in analyzing the survey results, has also pointed to another point: according to this newspaper, the survey was conducted at a time when Hezbollah had not yet begun or announced the payment of housing assistance to the owners of homes destroyed in Israeli attacks.
This newspaper, citing the timing of the survey, has ruled out the direct impact of these payments on the results; although a complete examination of the factors affecting the respondents' attitudes requires an independent study of the research method and data.
Overall, the published findings show that among the Shiites participating in this survey, concern about the economy and livelihood exists simultaneously with support for the continuation of the resistance's role in defending Lebanon.
On the other hand, the severe distrust of the government and presidency, the widespread opposition to the normalization of relations with the Zionist regime, and the electoral support for resistance lists present an image of the respondents' political attitude in which the issue of security and confronting occupation holds a central place.
The results of this research, in Lebanon's current sensitive conditions, can become one of the new axes of discussion about the relationship between the Shia community, the resistance, the government, and the future of the country's defense structure.
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